Qualitative Methods in the Journal of Marketing Research

Qualitative methods have long been advocated in the pages of the Journal of Marketing Research (Arnould and Wallendorf 1994; Bonoma 1985; Calder 1977; Hirschman 1986; Kozinets 2002; Thompson 1997). Consistent with such calls, recent years have seen an increase in articles published in this journal that develop theoretical insights primarily or partially through the analysis of qualitative data (Dolbec 2025; Dolbec et al. 2022; Fournier and Eckhardt 2019; Milne, Kristofferson, and Goode 2025; Wight et al. 2026).

As advocates for qualitative research, we applaud the fact that a growing range of scholars appears to have been encouraged to submit qualitative research to JMR. To assist them in their endeavors, we’d like to offer some advice that might help improve the chances of success in the review process. This advice arises from our observations, as editors and reviewers, that novices often fail to appreciate the distinctions between different “genres” of qualitative research, which can undermine the credibility and coherence of the papers they submit.

When we use the term “genre,” we refer to types of qualitative research grounded in different scholarly traditions (Prasad 1990) that feature different kinds of research questions and goals. Examples of distinct genres include case studies (Bonoma 1985; Eisenhardt 1989), ethnographies (Arnould and Wallendorf 1994; Sherry 2008), hermeneutic analyses (Fischer and Arnold 1994; Thompson 1997), and participatory action research (Ozanne and Saatcioglu 2008). While many more could be added to this list, developing a comprehensive account of all qualitative research genres is not our goal here. Rather, our purpose is to sensitize aspiring qualitative researchers to the ways genres differ by highlighting the distinctive aspects of a select set of genres.

In this piece, we distinguish between qualitative data and genres of qualitative research, describe four different genres of qualitative research, and then discuss the use of qualitative methods for exploratory research. Throughout, we provide examples of papers that we hope readers will find useful as illustrations.

Distinguishing Types of Qualitative Data from Genres of Qualitative Research

Before proceeding, we want to clarify that specific genres of qualitative research should notbe conflated with particular types of qualitative data. There are three main types of qualitative data. The first is interview data, which may be collected from individuals or from small groups (e.g., focus groups; Arsel 2017; Calder 1977; McCracken 1988). The second type is archival data, which is preexisting textual, audio, and/or image-based data that is gathered for research purposes (Fischer and Parmentier 2024); examples of archival data range from newspaper articles to online media posts to podcasts to corporate annual reports. The third is observational data, which may but need not entail interaction with those being observed (Cascio Rizzo, Berger, and Zhou 2025; Hirschman 1986; Holt 1995; Wight et al. 2026) and which may be gathered from offline or online contexts (see Kozinets 2002). When observational data entails interaction with those being observed, it is sometimes referred to as ethnographic data, but we want to underscore that participant observation data can be used in research of virtually any genre, and that collecting and analyzing participant observation data does not, per se, make a study an ethnography. Our key point here is that no one type of qualitative data is exclusively associated with a specific genre of qualitative research. Rather, combinations of one or more types of qualitative data can be collected and analyzed to produce work of a given genre.

Having distinguished between types of qualitative data and genres of qualitative research, we now turn to characterizing different genres. Table 1 provides an overview for comparative purposes.

Table 1: A Comparison of Four Genres of Qualitative Research

Genre	Purpose	Most Common Types of Data	Examples
Case study	To explain outcomes of interest, often by identifying causal processes or antecedents	Interviews with multiple types of actors; multiple types of archival data, often longitudinal	Dolbec (2025), Fournier and Eckhardt (2019)
Ethnography	To provide understanding of a group or community	Naturalistic observation; prolonged participation in setting	Arnould (1989), Hill and Stamey (1990)
Hermeneutic analysis	To interpret meanings of human action in relation to established sociocultural narratives and ideologies	Interviews with individuals whose behavior is being interpreted	Fischer, Otnes, and Tuncay (2007), Thompson (1997)
Participatory action research	To address a problem identified by research stakeholders; theory development not focal	Interviews with stakeholders whose problems are being identified and addressed	Hill, Cunningham, and Gramercy Gentlemen (2016)

Case Studies

For many business academicians, the term “case study” is likely to conjure thoughts of a purely pedagogical device comprising a detailed but atheoretical description of an issue or decision facing a business manager (Bonoma 1985). Among experienced qualitative researchers, however, a case study is recognized as a research strategy that focuses on developing transferable theory. It does so by inductively and abductively analyzing qualitative data to address research questions related to some aspects of dynamics in the case under consideration and by identifying the broader conceptual category of phenomena the case represents (Eisenhardt 1989).

To illustrate, Fournier and Eckhardt (2019) studied the Martha Stewart brand; they analyzed the case to address the question of how characteristics of individual people affect the management of the person-brands intertwined with them. They developed insights transferable to other cases of brands that are people. As another illustration, Dolbec (2025) studied cases of nonelite streetwear designers to develop theory on how some lower-status actors in a market may gain high(er) status in their market. He developed insights transferable to other cases of nonelite brands striving to become elite in markets such as cinema or restaurants.

Several hallmarks of qualitative case study research can be identified. First, case studies seek to explain outcomes of interest, often by identifying causal processes or antecedents. For example, Figure 1, reproduced from Fournier and Eckhardt (2019), illustrates the outcome they sought to explain (risk to the brand) and the chain of antecedents they identified as leading to that outcome.

Figure 1. Person-brand dynamics.

Second, and relatedly, case studies often span a significant course of time that allows for identifying antecedents that affect outcomes. In Fournier and Eckhardt (2019), the time span is 20 years. In Dolbec (2025), the time span is even longer.

Given the span of time covered in many case studies, a third hallmark is that case studies often make extensive use of longitudinal archival data,because these data can reveal facts and patterns that predate the research. Often, this archival data is collected from multiple sources for purposes of triangulation. For example, Fournier and Eckhardt (2019) used four sources of archival data: branded data from the Martha Stewart Living Organization; content from Martha Stewart, the person, such as radio and television interviews; content created by cultural meaning makers such as the New York Times; and secondary data on brand performance and competition. The archival data used by Dolbec (2025) included books, news articles, podcasts, and industry reports.

Note that although archival data is prominent in case study research, it is not uniquely associated with this genre of qualitative work. For example, online observation was also critical in the development of Dolbec’s (2025) analysis. And in many market-level case studies, interviews with market stakeholders are also utilized extensively. For example, Dolbec et al. (2022) conducted and analyzed interviews with 135 stakeholders in the context they studied, in addition to gathering archival and participant observation data.

While qualitative case studies have these hallmarks in common, there are many variable aspects of such studies. For example, the number of cases studied can be one, as in the case of Fournier and Eckhardt (2017), or can be multiple, as in the case of Dolbec et al. (2022), who studied five. The unit of analysis can also vary, as examples published in JMR illustrate. While Fournier and Eckhardt (2019) and Dolbec (2025) conducted brand- and market-level studies, Dolbec et al. (2022) conducted an organizational-level of analysis. In other marketing journals, field- or market-level cases have been common (e.g., Maciel and Fischer 2020; Scaraboto and Fischer 2013).

Ethnographies

Having outlined the case study genre, we’ll now summarize the ethnography genre, comparing as we do so. One hallmark of ethnographies is that they privilege understanding over explanation (Sherry 2008). In contrast to case studies that seek to identify causal antecedents of focal outcomes, ethnographies seek to understand how a given group of people make sense of their day-to-day lives, the precepts and principles that animate their behaviors, and the patterned activities that are significant to them. To be clear, ethnography not only establishes the context and subjective significance for particular groups of persons but also seeks to convey the cultural significance of this experience (Arnould and Wallendorf 1994).

This emphasis on prioritizing understanding is illustrated by Hill and Stamey (1990) in their ethnographic investigation of homeless people living outside shelter systems. In their study, the authors’ stated purpose was to advance “understanding of the survival strategies employed by the homeless” (p. 303). To do so, they examined the types of possessions their informants consumed, how those possessions were acquired through nontraditional employment and scavenging, why some products are purchased while others are scavenged, and the importance of community for protection of self and possessions. As another example, Arnould (1989) studied Hausa-speaking peasants in Niger to understand how items of nonlocal origin were incorporated into their material culture; he built on this understanding to develop a broadened theory of preference formation. As is often true in ethnographic research, Arnould’s theoretical contribution comprised a processual-oriented account.

A second hallmark of ethnography is that it relies on naturalistic observation that is most typically participative (Arnould and Wallendorf 1994; Sherry 2008). Naturalistic observation entails researchers hanging out “in situ” in the spaces and places frequented by the group of people being studied, and interacting with them. In contrast to case studies, which do not necessitate observing or interacting with a particular group, any study making rightful claims to being an ethnography will exhibit both.

A third hallmark of ethnography is prolonged engagement, which means that interactions with those who are being studied occur over the course of months or years rather than hours or days (Arnould and Wallendorf 1994; Sherry 2008). An example of prolonged engagement can be found in an ethnography of fans of the English Premier League’s (EPL’s) Liverpool Football Club by Hill, Canniford, and Eckhardt (2022). They report:

To build a “thick description” of atmospheric experiences at Anfield [Liverpool’s stadium], participant observation … occurred before and after matches during two consecutive EPL seasons, from November 2012 to August 2013 and from November 2013 to August 2014. In November 2012, the first author rented an apartment close to Anfield, and access to participants was facilitated by a local supporter who acted as a gatekeeper. This access enabled observations in supporters’ homes, during social gatherings, on public transport to games, in pubs, and on the streets outside Anfield. In 2013 and 2014, the first author continued these procedures and attended 24 LFC matches: 18 at Anfield, and 6 at other EPL stadiums. Access to Anfield enabled the description of microinteractions between individuals as well as crowd-level expressions (Goffman 1967). To record these firsthand experiences of atmospheres, digitized fieldnotes were compiled from observations, photographs of supporters’ visual displays, and video footage recorded by the first author. (Hill, Canniford, and Eckhardt 2022, p. 123)

This excerpt illustrates not only what prolonged engagement in naturalistic, participative, observation can mean but also the kinds of data that are typical of an ethnography, including field notes, photographs, and videos. Interviews with members of the focal group are also standard features of ethnographies (Arnould and Wallendorf 1994). While case studies also often include interview data, it is less commonly the case that they entail prolonged engagement in naturalistic, participative observation.

Hermeneutic Analyses

While less commonly featured in JMR thus far, hermeneutic analysis has a strong foothold in peer outlets such as Journal of Consumer Research. The hallmark purpose of hermeneutic analyses is to interpret meanings of human action in relation to established cultural narratives.For example, Thompson (1997) interpreted the consumer behaviors of working mothers in light of conflicting cultural ideals and gender ideologies. A second hallmark of hermeneutic analyses is that they are grounded in individual interview data,which is used to learn about both the behaviors of interest and the meanings that people ascribe to their own behaviors. Archival data sources that help identify relevant sociocultural ideologies and narratives may also be collected if required.

Participatory Action Research

The hallmark of participatory action research (PAR) is its purpose: to address a problem identified by research stakeholders. To achieve this purpose, PAR characteristically relies on interviews with stakeholders whose problems are focal; PAR studies can include ethnographic investigation, but it is not a requirement. By way of illustration, in a PAR study focused on prisoners incarcerated in a maximum-security prison (Hill, Cunningham, and Gramercy Gentlemen 2016), Hill made more than 100 visits to the prison over the span of the study, and during that time he interacted with prisoners by offering them classes, working with them on projects, and representing their interests to officials within the prison system. In this study, the authors carefully followed the principles and dictates offered by Ozanne and Saatcioglu (2008), which are inspired by the goal of understanding a debilitating consumption context, and by providing an opportunity to support improvement of their consumer quality of life. The authors describe the perspective as follows: “to disclose, illuminate, and criticize dehumanizing processes and acquisition and ownership restrictions that manifest in a maximum-security prison, along with coping strategies by inmates” (Hill, Cunningham, and Gramercy Gentlemen 2016, p. 295). In some ways, this method runs counter to the belief that research should rise above the situations faced by focal consumers and attempt to develop transferable theoretical insights. Instead, it invites researchers to embrace the lived experiences of the people described and to openly seek resolution of the restrictions that impede their satisfaction with goods and services.

Exploratory Qualitative Research Mapping Individual-Level Consumer Phenomena

While we would not characterize exploratory qualitative research as a recognized genre unto itself, we do want to note that consumer psychologists have much to gain by using semistructured interviews with consumers to learn more about underresearched consumption phenomena. Such interviews can help define constructs, develop measures, and formulate hypotheses. We refer to this process as one of “mapping” the phenomenon, by which we mean better understanding its variable properties, its antecedents, and/or its consequences.

Typically, such exploratory work begins with real-world observation of an underrecognized phenomenon. Conducting semistructured interviews with a small group of consumers who have experienced the phenomena allows for exploring the nature of the experience, its triggers, and its outcomes. Analysis of exploratory interview data is normally abductive, in that the analysis continuously compares and contrasts emergent insights with prior relevant psychological theory, to ensure that the mapping process builds on existing work effectively.

An excellent recent example of such exploratory qualitative research is Milne, Kristofferson, and Goode’s (2025) study of the previously unremarked phenomenon of “retributive philanthropy.” Prior to developing and testing hypotheses related to the phenomenon, they conducted and analyzed ten semistructured interviews to investigate the motives, emotions, and experiences of retributive donors and their targets. They analyzed this data relative to known theories of retribution and prosociality to ensure their emergent insights accounted for existing relevant theory. As examples like this illustrate, exploratory qualitative research can be a powerful tool in the arsenal of consumer psychologists.

Closing Remarks

We conclude this essay with a few observations we hope will assist researchers who are learning the craft of qualitative research.

1. First, while we have emphasized differences between common qualitative traditions, it is important to note what they have in common: Most are geared toward developing theory of some kind. Theories developed from case studies are more likely to be of the causal variety. Theories developed through ethnographies and hermeneutic analyses often tend to be comprehending theories (Sandberg and Alevesson 2018) that uncover the cultural meanings of practices. Case studies and ethnographies can both be conducive to process theorizing. Exploratory research on underresearched consumer phenomena is intended to better conceptualize the construct and to develop its nomological network. PAR stands out in that it is unconcerned with theory development.
   
   
2. Second, we have explicated but a few qualitative research genres. Those seeking to conduct qualitative research could benefit from familiarizing themselves with others. In doing so, we encourage seeking out the hallmarks of each tradition, so that when conducting and reporting research situated within a tradition, the researcher can create a coherent, credible account.
   
   
3. Third, we want to acknowledge that hybrids combining genres are possible. For example, Hill, Cunningham, and Gramercy Gentlemen (2016) combined the two traditions: ethnography and participatory action research. While such hybrids may be powerful, they are best conducted only after mastering the essentials of each individual tradition involved.
   
   
4. Fourth, we encourage readers interested in using qualitative methods to read papers in the relevant genres, attend conferences such as Consumer Culture Theory (https://www.cctweb.org/), and consider collaborating with experts in these methods. These steps can help to develop the skill set required to be successful.

References

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Dolbec, Pierre-Yann (2025), “From Streetwear to High Fashion: How Nonelite Producers Use Hybridization to Enter an Elite Category,” Journal of Marketing Research, 62 (3), 543–64.

Dolbec, Pierre-Yann, Rodrigo B. Castilhos, Marcelo J. Fonseca, and Guilherme Trez (2022), “How Established Organizations Combine Logics to Reconfigure Resources and Adapt to Marketization: A Case Study of Brazilian Religious Schools,” Journal of Marketing Research, 59 (1), 118–35.

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